Zbigniew Brzezinski

Trustee and Counselor, Center for Strategic & International Studies; and Robert E. Osgood Professor of American Foreign Policy, the Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University , Washington , DC.

From 1977 to 1981, National Security Adviser to the President of the United States . In 1981, awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom “for his role in the normalization of U.S.-Chinese relations and for his contributions to the human rights and national security policies of the United States .”

Other Current Activities

Public and Pro Bono
Honorary Chairman, AmeriCares Foundation (a private philanthropic humanitarian aid organization); Co-Chairman, American Committee for Peace in the Caucasus; Member, Board of Trustees, International Crisis Group; Trustee, Trilateral Commission (a cooperative American-European-Japanese forum); Member, Board of Directors, Polish-American Enterprise Fund and of the Polish-American Freedom Foundation; Member, Honorary Board of American Friends of Rabin Medical Center; Chairman, International Advisory Board for the Yale Project on “The Culture & Civilization of China”; Member, International Honorary Committee, Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw, etc.

Private Sector
International adviser to major U.S./global corporations; frequent participant in annual business/trade conventions; also a frequent public speaker, commentator on major domestic and foreign TV programs, and contributor to domestic and foreign newspapers and journals.

Past Activities

U.S. Government
1966-68, Member of the Policy Planning Council of the Department of State; 1985, Member of the President’s Chemical Warfare Commission; 1987-88, Member of the NSC-Defense Department Commission on Integrated Long-Term Strategy; 1987-89, Member of the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (a Presidential commission to oversee U.S. intelligence activities).

Public and Political
1973-76, Director of the Trilateral Commission; in the 1968 presidential campaign, chairman of the Humphrey Foreign Policy Task Force; in the 1976 presidential campaign, principal foreign policy adviser to Jimmy Carter. In 1988, co-chairman of the Bush National Security Advisory Task Force. Past Member of Boards of Directors of Amnesty International, Council on Foreign Relations, Atlantic Council, the National Endowment for Democracy. 2004, Co-Chair, Council on Foreign Relations-sponsored Independent Task Force , Iran : Time for a New Approach.

Academic
On the faculty of Columbia University 1960-89; on the faculty of Harvard University 1953-60. Ph.D., Harvard University , 1953; B.A. and M.A., McGill University 1949 and 1950. His forthcoming book, SECOND CHANCE: Three Presidents and the Crisis of American Superpower will be published in Spring 2007. He is also the author of THE CHOICE: Global Domination or Global Leadership; THE GRAND CHESSBOARD: American Primacy and its Geostrategic Imperatives; the best-selling THE GRAND FAILURE: The Birth and Death of Communism in the 20 th Century , as well as of OUT OF CONTROL: Global Turmoil on the Eve of the 21 st Century; GAME PLAN: How to Conduct the U.S.-Soviet Contest; POWER AND PRINCIPLE: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977-1981; THE FRAGILE BLOSSOM: Crisis and Change in Japan; BETWEEN TWO AGES: America’s Role in the Technetronic Era; THE SOVIET BLOC: Unity and Conflict; and of other books and many articles in numerous U.S. and foreign academic journals



General Brent Scowcroft, Eric Melby and Henry Siegman

General Brent Scowcroft, Eric Melby and Henry Siegman

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Can Kerry Rescue a Two-State Peace Accord?

If the purpose of President Barack Obama’s visit to Israel was to dispel the view held by most Israelis, and by rightwing American Jewish supporters of AIPAC and the Likud’s annexationist policies, that he is hostile to Israel and to the Zionist enterprise, it must be judged a brilliant success. Not everyone was converted, but his words and personal charm seemed to have worked wonders on most Israelis.
While his visit was not expected to revive prospects for a two-state solution, he spoke far more directly and energetically about the need for an end to Israel’s occupation and about his own continuing efforts to help the parties achieve an agreement than his recent disengagement from the peace process prepared anyone for. But nothing he said in Jerusalem or Ramallah–and, more importantly, that he failed to say–justifies an expectation that his reengagement will be of a kind that has any chance of preventing Benjamin Netanyahu’s new government from finally nailing down the coffin in which they are burying a viable two-state outcome.

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